>> Some political scientists have attributed Republicans' higher resentment scores to the fact that they typically favor less government intervention
> Well that's not surprising considering the nature of the questions. Damn your notion of racism is strange, Americans.
"Government intervention" may be a codeword for social programs, which are often viewed in a certain way:
> Here, we integrate prior work to develop and test a theory of how perceived macro-level trends in racial standing shape whites’ views of welfare policy. We argue that when whites perceive threats to their relative advantage in the racial status hierarchy, their resentment of minorities increases. This increased resentment in turn leads whites to withdraw support for welfare programs when they perceive these programs to primarily benefit minorities.
> Wetts and Willer are hardly the first scholars to argue that racial animus is a powerful factor motivating opposition to social spending and redistribution in the US. Jill Quadagno’s The Color of Welfare in 1994 and Martin Gilens’s Why Americans Hate Welfare in 1999 credited racial factors — in particular, stereotypes of black people as lazy and overly dependent on government aid — with substantially reducing support for welfare spending since the war on poverty began in the 1960s.
>"Government intervention" may be a codeword for social programs
Yeah, are you sure that racism is about opposing welfare and quotas? Not thinking that other people are inherently inferior or malicious due to their race, but that there should be no affirmative action.
That sounds like a ill-minded umbrella term to me, invented to call people you don't like racist.
> racial animus is a powerful factor motivating opposition to social spending and redistribution
It's not a surprise if you define racial animus as being against welfare.
> Consistent with the expectations of new racism researchers, resentment accounted for racial bias in support of the experimental college scholar-ship program examined in this study, reinforcing its role as a measure of racial prejudice. But these effects were confined to self-identified liberals. Racial resentment did not explain racially biased program support among conservatives and was not linked to other negative racial attitudes among them. This leaves the concept of racial resentment in real doubt. If resentment measures prejudice among liberals but not conservatives it cannot function successfully as a broad measure of racial prejudice.
> Well that's not surprising considering the nature of the questions. Damn your notion of racism is strange, Americans.
"Government intervention" may be a codeword for social programs, which are often viewed in a certain way:
> Here, we integrate prior work to develop and test a theory of how perceived macro-level trends in racial standing shape whites’ views of welfare policy. We argue that when whites perceive threats to their relative advantage in the racial status hierarchy, their resentment of minorities increases. This increased resentment in turn leads whites to withdraw support for welfare programs when they perceive these programs to primarily benefit minorities.
* https://academic.oup.com/sf/article/97/2/793/5002999
* https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soy046
Some books on this:
> Wetts and Willer are hardly the first scholars to argue that racial animus is a powerful factor motivating opposition to social spending and redistribution in the US. Jill Quadagno’s The Color of Welfare in 1994 and Martin Gilens’s Why Americans Hate Welfare in 1999 credited racial factors — in particular, stereotypes of black people as lazy and overly dependent on government aid — with substantially reducing support for welfare spending since the war on poverty began in the 1960s.
* https://www.vox.com/2018/6/7/17426968/white-racism-welfare-c...